I
am writing this blog post about Week 3 of Ken Griffin’s Funerary Artefacts
of Ancient Egypt course (for which I am very grateful in these Lockdown
times!) with this week dealing with Mummification
and Coffins, which I find fascinating. First up is mummification, which
is not everyone’s favourite topic, but disposal of the dead and its accompanying
ritual is an essential part of the fabric of society, especially so in the
hot climate of Egypt. To the Egyptians, it was vital to keep the body intact beyond death since he body harboured the ba and the ka. It was, therefore, vital to turn the corpse
into a sꜥh (eternal and perfect image of the deceased). The body was
mummified primarily to stop deterioration, with the dry climate and burial in the sand naturally mummifying the dead. The first known mummification was at
Hierakonpolis, c. 3700 BC, but mummification was carried out over a 4000-year
period of Egyptian history. Over time, rituals became part of the process
accompanied with mummification materials having religious and
preservative functions.
A
great example of the art is the mummy of Ramesses III, who died during the Harem
Conspiracy. We saw a mummy covering (W894), which shows
a priest dressed as Anubis attending to the mummy resting on a bier. The priest
is aided Isis and Nephthys (fig.
1). Mummification is said to take 70 days, although there is no complete
ancient text that gives comprehensive instructions. We do have scenes on
coffins, in tombs, and on papyrus, such as NMS A1956.313. Mummification
would have developed over time, so one single source could give us the whole
picture. The most well-known written sources are those of Herodotus (450 BCE)
and Diodorus Siculus (100 BCE), which were unlikely to be first hand accounts. Herodotus
tells us there were three forms of mummification depending on the wealth of the deceased’s family. The most costly
and elaborate version is described as follows:
“They
take first a crooked piece of iron, and with it draw out the brain through the
nostrils, thus getting rid of a portion, while the skull is cleared of the rest
by rinsing with drugs; next they make a cut along the flank with a sharp
Ethiopian stone, and take out the whole contents of the abdomen, which they
then cleanse, washing it thoroughly with palm wine, and again frequently with
an infusion of pounded aromatics. After this they fill the cavity with the
purest bruised myrrh, with cassia, and every other sort of spicery except
frankincense, and sew up the opening. Then the body is placed in natron for
seventy days, and covered entirely over. After the expiration of that space of
time, which must not be exceeded, the body is washed, and wrapped round, from
head to foot, with bandages of fine linen cloth, smeared over with gum, which
is used generally by the Egyptians in the place of glue, and in this state it
is given back to the relations, who enclose it in a wooden case which they have
had made for the purpose, shaped into the figure of a man. Then fastening the
case, they place it in a sepulchral chamber, upright against the wall. Such is
the most costly way of embalming the dead.”
For
the second type, Herodotus says that “If persons wish to avoid expense, and
choose the second process, the following is the method pursued:- Syringes are
filled with oil made from the cedar-tree, which is then, without any incision
or disembowelling, injected into the abdomen. The passage by which it might be
likely to return is stopped, and the body laid in natron the prescribed number
of days. At the end of the time the cedar-oil is allowed to make its escape;
and such is its power that it brings with it the whole stomach and intestines
in a liquid state. The natron meanwhile has dissolved the flesh, and so nothing
is left of the dead body but the skin and the bones. It is returned in this
condition to the relatives, without any further trouble being bestowed upon it.”
The
third and most basic: “The third method of embalming, which is practised in the
case of the poorer classes, is to clear out the intestines with a clyster, and
let the body lie in natron the seventy days, after which it is at once given to
those who come to fetch it away.”
One
can only imagine this was a delicate and somewhat smelly process that most
people would be happy to hand over to professionals. We must remember that any
mummification would have been for the wealthy in society and not the average
Egyptian. We also hear that during the Late Period mummification could last
between 20–70 days. The stelae of Psamtek, son of Iahweben (610 BC), unusually tells us his date of birth, his length of life, his date of death,
and that he spent 32 days in the pr-nfr being made ready for his burial.
We have developed our knowledge about mummification through mummy unwrappings,
and now the non-destructive radiography and computerised tomography (CT)
scanning. There has also been a modern mummifications by
Dr Bob Brier to test the theories. He was due to come to talk to Egyptology
Scotland Kelvingrove in August, but sadly this has been postponed as with so
many things.
Fig. 2: Deir el-Bahari shroud (W922) |
The
mummy was first washed soon after death with a solution of natron salt in the
purification tent (i͗bw n wꜥb).
Horus and Thoth are often depicted purifying the deceased or the
Pharaoh. Additionally, some goddesses perform the nyny rite/gesture on
the deceased, as can be seen in the tomb of Tutankhamun or in the doorways to
some tombs in the Valley of the Queens. In the wꜥbt or pr nfr, the brain was removed along with
the other internal organs, The heart was the only organ to remain in the body
as it was the seat of intellect and memory.
The liver, lungs, stomach, and intestines were embalmed separately before
the body was then washed again with palm wine and completely covered
in natron (changed daily according to Salima Ikram) for 40 days. The body was
then packed with linen, sawdust, earth, and aromatic resins to give the body
shape. The resins and bitumen also protected the body against
moisture. The eyes (replaced with onions or rock crystal) and eyebrows were
spruced up and even prosthetic limbs (BM EA 29996) and finger coverings could
be included to make the body whole for the afterlife.
Mummies then were wrapped in linen, often bed sheets but there is an example in Lyon of a sail being used. Wrappings came in five different qualities from fine to coarse. Incantations would be said as the body was wrapped, right down to the individual fingers and toes, while amulets and spells from the Books of the Dead were often enclosed. An example is W922 from the Egypt Centre (fig. 2). The mummy mask (W917) was a vital piece of the mummy trappings, painted in an image of the deceased, which also provided additional protection for the head. In the Graeco-Roman Period, mummy labels (W549) were common, often telling us about the deceased (fig. 3). We must also note the disposal of any “waste products” and the funerary meal,
which were gathered together and buried in a deposit near the tomb. This is
perhaps also shown on tomb walls, such as that of Ramose (TT 55), as the mysterious “tekenu”, a human shaped bundle on a sledge.
The tekenu was something I only heard
about recently and I wonder if any “body” shaped bundles have ever been found?
Another rabbit hole to wander down…
The four (or maybe up to 6 according to recent discoveries at Saqqara) canopic jars contained the following organs:
Son of Horus
|
Depiction
|
Associated Organ
|
Protective Deity
|
Orientation
|
Qebehsenuef
|
Falcon headed
|
Intestines
|
Selket
|
West
|
Duamutef
|
Jackal Headed
|
Stomach
|
Neith
|
East
|
Imset(y)
|
Human headed
|
Liver
|
Isis
|
South
|
Hapy
|
Baboon headed
|
Lungs
|
Nephthys
|
North
|
Fig. 5: Coffin depicting the goddess Nut (BM EA 75193) |
The earliest coffins were a “house” for the deceased. They resembled buildings and had the palace façade design, as can be seen with BM EA 71620 (fig. 4). In the Old Kingdom, more emphasis was on the orientation and decoration of the coffin. The long sides were oriented east-west and the head of the deceased faced east. As time went on the insides of the coffins were decorated with funerary items, while the coffin was a miniature tomb in its own right. The lid was associated with the sky and the case with the earth. The goddess Nut is often seen stretching protectively over the deceased (W646), and the deceased was identified with Osiris or Re, both of whom were reborn each day (fig. 5). In the Old Kingdom, the complete coffin could be identified as the womb of Nut as she was the mother of Osiris (and therefore the deceased). She would symbolically give birth to him each day.
The concept of the coffin as a cocoon is apparent in the word for a coffin, sḥwt, meaning egg. A sarcophagus could also be part of the burial assemblage and would hold the coffin. There is some debate on the use of the word, although it is generally accepted that a sarcophagus is stone and rectangular. Anthropoid coffins, on the other hand, could be regarded as “coffins” rather than “sarcophagi”, regardless of the material, and are seen as a substitute for the deceased should their mummy be destroyed. The Egyptian word for a sarcophagus was nb-ankh, possessor or lord of life, reinforcing the idea that it aided in the renewal of life for the deceased . In the Predynastic Period, the body was placed in a shallow pit covered by matting. Wicker baskets and pot burials were later used. It was not until the Early Dynastic Period that coffins were commonplace. The first clearly established royal coffins date to the Third Dynasty. They were often plain with flat or vaulted lids. The decoration included false doors and eyes for the deceased to “see” out into the land of the living (MMA26.3.9a). Middle Kingdom coffins were decorated on the inside with a frieze of objects for everyday life (BM EA 30842) and included clothing, jewellery, weapons, perfume (much as we might include a loved ones treasured items in their coffin today), as well as the Coffin Texts (fig. 6). In the Twelfth Dynasty, the outside of the coffins were decorated with vertical and horizontal bands of hieroglyphs (W304). There were, however, regional variations between Beni Hasan, Deir el-Bersha, and Meir in the North and Asyut, Akhmim, and Thebes in the South.
Fig. 6: Middle Kingdom coffin from Deir el-Bersha (BM EA 30842) |
The concept of the coffin as a cocoon is apparent in the word for a coffin, sḥwt, meaning egg. A sarcophagus could also be part of the burial assemblage and would hold the coffin. There is some debate on the use of the word, although it is generally accepted that a sarcophagus is stone and rectangular. Anthropoid coffins, on the other hand, could be regarded as “coffins” rather than “sarcophagi”, regardless of the material, and are seen as a substitute for the deceased should their mummy be destroyed. The Egyptian word for a sarcophagus was nb-ankh, possessor or lord of life, reinforcing the idea that it aided in the renewal of life for the deceased . In the Predynastic Period, the body was placed in a shallow pit covered by matting. Wicker baskets and pot burials were later used. It was not until the Early Dynastic Period that coffins were commonplace. The first clearly established royal coffins date to the Third Dynasty. They were often plain with flat or vaulted lids. The decoration included false doors and eyes for the deceased to “see” out into the land of the living (MMA26.3.9a). Middle Kingdom coffins were decorated on the inside with a frieze of objects for everyday life (BM EA 30842) and included clothing, jewellery, weapons, perfume (much as we might include a loved ones treasured items in their coffin today), as well as the Coffin Texts (fig. 6). In the Twelfth Dynasty, the outside of the coffins were decorated with vertical and horizontal bands of hieroglyphs (W304). There were, however, regional variations between Beni Hasan, Deir el-Bersha, and Meir in the North and Asyut, Akhmim, and Thebes in the South.
Fig. 7: Rishi coffin (NMS A.1909.527.1 A) |
In
the Second Intermediate Period, the anthropoid coffin has become standard. It
was an image of the deceased that could house not only his body but his ka
and ba. They were of the rishi (feathered) type, again
symbolising the protection offered (fig. 7). In the Eighteenth Dynasty, anthropoid coffins were
painted white with bands of hieroglyphs running up the middle of the coffin and
four bands around the sides imitating mummy wrappings (MMA 14.10.2a, b). The
coffin of Amenhotep II shows the Sons of Horus between the texts. Other scenes can
include funereal rituals while the lid usually depicting the outstretched
figure Nekhbet or Nut. By the middle of the Eighteenth Dynasty, non-royal
coffins were more commonly covered with black pitch, with the higher quality including gilded faces and bands made of gold (fig. 8).
New
Kingdom coffins could be made of a variety of woods, including cedar, sycamore
fig, or acacia. Gold and silver were reserved for kings. By the Nineteenth
Dynasty, a mummy board was placed on the body of many burials showing the
deceased in daily life. The “yellow” coffins were attested from Thebes and
Memphis and were decorated with vignettes of spells 1 and 17 of the Book of the Dead. In anthropoid coffins,
the forearms were crossed at the chest, with men having clenched fists
and women having open hands. In the Twenty-first Dynasty, new compositions were
added emphasising solar religion with the myth of Osiris, the revival of the
deceased, and the triumph over Apophis. The colour palette also broadened, and
scenes could now include vignettes from the Amduat or rituals associated with
the Sed-festival (fig. 9).
Fig. 9: Interior coffin decoration of BM EA 22900 |
In
the Third Intermediate Period, coffins continued to change. There were many
regional variations at this time and individual workshops can be identified. The coffins
were now deep enough to hold the mummy with a flat or convex lid. Another style
can be seen in BM EA 15655 and part of a similar coffin is in the Egypt Centre (W1044a
& b). The inside of the coffin had texts from the Book of the Dead, usually accompanied by Nut (fig. 10). The outside depicted
solar scenes and the Four Sons of Horus on the side walls, with a recumbent
jackal atop the vaulted roof and falcons on the posts.
In the Late Period, more texts are included. Passages from the Saite version of the Book of the Dead included less animated scenes. By the end of the Pharaonic Period, coffins varied considerably again according to region and foreign influences. In the Roman Period, W1042a shows us that decoration is less skilled, with the hieroglyphs often impossible to decipher. The emphasis was now placed on how it looked and not so much on what it said (fig. 11). Shrouds and other mummy coverings appear including the Fayum portraits.
Coffin of Ankhpakhered (AB118) |
In the Late Period, more texts are included. Passages from the Saite version of the Book of the Dead included less animated scenes. By the end of the Pharaonic Period, coffins varied considerably again according to region and foreign influences. In the Roman Period, W1042a shows us that decoration is less skilled, with the hieroglyphs often impossible to decipher. The emphasis was now placed on how it looked and not so much on what it said (fig. 11). Shrouds and other mummy coverings appear including the Fayum portraits.
Fig. 11: Roman Period coffin from Tuna el-Gebel (W1042a) |
This
has been a whirlwind trip through mummies and coffins giving a brief outline of
the enormous and fascinating subject. I am now very keen to visit the Egypt
Centre when life is able to return to “normal”, especially now I have had
a look at the new database Abaset (currently only available to participants of
the course) and can see there is much more coffin related material than the
lecture allowed time for! I can’t wait for Ken’s next lecture on Magic and
Ritual!
Bibliography
Amenta,
Alessia and Hélène Guichard (eds) 2017. Proceedings
First Vatican Coffin Conference 19–22 June 2013, 2 vols. Città del
Vaticano: Edizioni Musei Vaticani.
Brier,
Bob 1994. Egyptian mummies: unraveling
the secrets of an ancient art. New York: William Morrow.
Corbelli,
Judith A. 2006. The art of death in
Graeco-Roman Egypt. Shire Egyptology 28. Princes Risborough: Shire Publications.
Faulkner,
Raymond O. and Carol Andrews 1985. The ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead.
London: Guild Publishing.
Ikram,
Salima and Aidan Dodson 1998. The mummy in ancient Egypt: equipping the dead
for eternity. London: Thames and Hudson Ltd.
Maitland,
Margaret 2017. The tomb: ancient Egyptian burial. Edinburgh: NMS
Enterprises Ltd.
Manley,
Bill and Aidan Dodson 2010. Life everlasting. National Museums Scotland collection
of ancient Egyptian coffins. Edinburgh: NMS Enterprises Ltd.
Miniaci,
Gianluca 2011. Rishi coffins and the
funerary culture of Second Intermediate Period Egypt. GHP Egyptology 17.
London: Golden House.
Strudwick,
Helen and Julie Dawson (eds) 2019. Ancient Egyptian coffins. Past, present,
future. Oxford: Oxbow Books.
Strudwick,
Nigel and John H. Taylor (eds) 2003. The Theban necropolis. Past, present,
and future. London: British Museum Press.
Taylor,
John H. 1989. Egyptian coffins. Dyfed: Shire Egyptology.
Taylor,
John H. 2010. Egyptian mummies. London: British Museum Press.
West,
Glennise 2019. The tekenu and ancient
Egyptian funerary ritual. Archeopress Egyptology 23. Oxford: Archeopress.
Willems,
Harco 1988. Chests of life: a study of
the typology and conceptual development of Middle Kingdom standard class
coffins. Mededelingen en Verhandelingen van het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch
Genootschap “Ex Oriente Lux” 25. Leiden: Ex Oriente Lux.
PP
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